Traffic on the Bay Bridge |
When
I first heard about Plan Bay Area, a regional blueprint for reducing greenhouse
gas emissions (GHG) and making housing more affordable around the San Francisco
Bay Area, I was thrilled. One of the major aspects of the plan involves large
transportation investments around the region: improving
streets, connecting regional transit networks and creating more transit-oriented
housing! California Sustainable Communities and Climate Protection Act of 2008
(Senate Bill 375), which requires metropolitan areas to lower GHG emissions
from cars and light trucks, set Plan Bay Area in motion and has spurred a range
of suggestions for lowering carbon emissions.
The
plan sets some lofty goals for the region. With an expected population growth
of nearly two million people by 2040, the plan sets to lower GHG emissions by
15% per capita by 2035. As Downs states in his article on traffic congestion,
the growth of a region greatly increases their level of congestion. And the Bay
Area is growing rapidly! In order to reduce GHG, the plan hopes to densify
transit corridors and lower vehicle miles traveled. Some of the controversial
ideas for reaching this goal include increases in bridge tolls, implementing a
driving fee based on miles traveled and a potential congestion tax in Downtown
San Francisco and Treasure Island. [1]
As
much as I am excited and proud of my home away from home and the nine Bay Area counties
working together to create a regional plan, I have my doubts. The plan assumes
that 60% of GHG reductions will occur by encouraging job and housing growth
close to transit and the other 40% will happen through car and transit climate
initiatives (costing roughly $640 million to implement). Seeing these numbers, I wonder the
effects of attempting to lower emission by implementing a VMT tax and
supporting densifation of areas around transit. This is all well and good, until
I delved into the complex relationship between VMT and density and how it affects
other regional goals, specifically affordable housing. The results aren’t pretty.
Successful
VMT reductions call for high levels of densification. I genuinely support a VMT
tax for the region. Get people off the road and onto trains, buses, bikes,
boats—anything other than personal vehicles. There are so many excellent
transit systems in the region that need to be utilized more and congestion has
a negative effect on regional prosperity. Why then, would the plan state that
although a VMT tax is desirable, it would most likely fail due to its need for a
two-thirds supermajority in the Legislature to pass? Since the plan focuses on
residential growth at levels that most cities cannot and will not support,
implementation is considered unlikely. Sad but true.
transit riders exiting Caltrain |
Not
only is there entire areas where densification is unlikely, the areas that can
be densified will likely be creating housing too expensive for the residents they
hope to attract. In case you haven’t heard, the Bay Area is going through a
major housing shortage. The areas where people work have no housing and the
areas where people want to live are charging exorbitant prices. Just look at
this map. As a future
planner who takes a special interest in transit oriented housing, I know (as
should the Plan Bay Area planners) that shifting land use patterns towards
high-density living causes increases in housing costs. “Higher residential
densities are correlated with less affordable housing.” Worse off, Adrian Moore
states in his paper on VMT reduction for climate change goals, that in order to
have a significant effect on GHG reductions (25% reduction), density has to
occur at 13 units per acre, on average, for 60% of all new residential housing. That means no
more single family homes. That also means that the estimated housing increases
already being proposed for by 2040 in San Mateo (10,000 units), San Jose (130,000)
and San Francisco (90,000) better be DENSE!
Not
only will the land-use patterns create inequitable housing, the time it will
take for land use changes to occur and eventually result to lower GHG emission will
probably take longer to achieve than the year 2035. Taylor’s article on
rethinking congestion states that land use changes happen very slowly and only
really result in small areas of the urban regional fabric. So changes will take
decades to occur and will result in minimal changes to travel choice or
destinations.
Overall,
the plan attempts to make positive strides towards lowering congestion. While it
has no action items or strategies for implementation, it does show that all
counties are doing their part to combat greenhouse gases. Some counties may win
more funding than others, but that’s because they can have a greater effect on
lowering overall congestion. I believe that the Bay Area is headed in the right
direction; my only concern is the baseline indicators the plan has unfairly set
for some of the smaller, more suburban areas in the region. I am still excited
to see what happens with this “plan”; I just plan on keeping a close eye on its actual and tangible results.
References Not Hyperlinked:
[1] Downs, A. Still stuck in traffic: coping with peakhour traffic congestion. Brookings Institution Press.2004.
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